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Beyond anarchy in Somaliland and Afghanistan?
Since the attacks on the USA on September 11th 2001, the weakening and re-building of states has ranked high on the political and research agenda. Mainstream models of state-building assume that state legitimacy can be established and collapse avoided through:
However, realities on the ground are different. External interventions rarely work. International organisations, military actors, bilateral donors, and international NGOs are insufficiently or not at all prepared to engage in the complex process of bargaining (with war lords or tribal authorities for example). Neither are they prepared to engage in power relations (between the centre and the provinces or between parliament, the courts and political parties for example) or in re-building war-torn societies. Research at the Center for Development Research at Bonn University and the Institute for Development and Peace at the University of Duisburg-Essen in Germany has focussed on local and national governance and power structures. In two provinces of Afghanistan (Kunduz and Paktia) and Somaliland (Awdal and Sanaag), a number of groups and individuals took over when the state collapsed. These included military faction leaders and 'warlords', former civil servants, tribal authorities, religious courts and local businessmen. SomaliaSomalia remains fragmented. Backed by the Ethiopian military, transitional government troops quickly took territory previously held by the Union of Islamic Courts in January 2007. An estimated 340,000 people fled fighting in Mogadishu in the following months. In April 2007, heavy fighting occurred in the capital. Somaliland, which declared independence from Somalia in 1991, has achieved remarkable internal stability. A new system of governance that draws heavily on the traditional 'elders' system has enabled:
AfghanistanAfghanistan remains delicately balanced five years after the fall of the Taliban. While full-scale insurgency by the Taliban is underway in the south, a multitude of warlords still dominate the north. In the southern province of Paktia, tribal strength guarantees some degree of security for the local population; tribal order demarcates social interactions. The presence of foreigners, either from Kabul or outside Afghanistan, is sometimes considered an open provocation with serious consequences for legitimacy of the state. However, in the northern province of Kunduz, warlords co-exist peacefully with the state and the international community — so long as their influence and economic base is not threatened. What are the policy implications?
In culturally homogeneous communities (Paktia, parts of Somaliland), respected local institutions minimise the possibilities for individuals to profit from illicit economic activities, including exploiting natural resources or trading in drugs. Culturally varied communities seem more prone to strongmen and warlords (Kunduz) who promote their own interests through violence and illicit incomes. ConclusionsInstead of fighting these economies of violence, development and security policy should support local institutions which are seen as legitimate and can bring these illicit activities under social control. Promising examples of this approach include:
Tobias Debiel Conrad Schetter See also Rebuilding Somaliland: Issues and Possibilities, Academy for Peace and Development and War-torn Societies Project, Lawrenceville, NJ: Red Sea Press, 2005 Afghanistan 2005 and Beyond: Prospects for Improved Stability - Reference Document, Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael, The Hague, by Barnett Rubin, Humayun Hamidzada, and Abby Stoddard, 2005 (PDF) www.clingendael.nl/publications/2005/20050400_cru_paper_barnett.pdf The Limits of Statebuilding: The Role of International Assistance in Afghanistan, Christian Michelsen Institute: Oslo, by Suhrke, Astri, 2006 www.cmi.no/publications/publication.cfm?pubid=2135 |
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