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Issue #44

Responding to displacement

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Refugees and local hosts

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Participation, self-reliance and integration

Displaced by development

Facing an uncertain future

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Transnational refugees
Understanding integration and return

International understanding of repatriation is based on the assumption that populations tend to seek integration in one primary place of residence. Is there evidence of an alternative to the return or non-return of displaced people?

The case of post-conflict Mozambican return from South Africa demonstrates how this assumption ignores the growing phenomenon of transnationality in which life strategies are actually based on developing deep social ties and economic activity in multiple locations, often in different countries. Such life strategies imply that return and non-return may not be mutually exclusive options – a possibility that the governments and international agencies and organisations that formulate and implement refugee policy generally have not considered.

This article draws on research conducted from 1996-2001 with Mozambicans who had been displaced from the Machaze district during the country’s civil war. The Machaze area was one of the first districts in Mozambique to become fully involved in the civil war that raged between 1979 and 1992, resulting in the displacement of up to 70% of the area’s population in highly gender-specific ways. Most men fled to South Africa. Women were far more likely to be displaced internally or to move across the border into Zimbabwe.

International assistance not only provided a substitute for lost household agricultural subsistence, but also allowed these men to take advantage of new social opportunities in South Africa. During the war, Machazian men increasingly sought to marry South African women without, however, dissolving their marriages in Mozambique. Prior to the war, polygynous marriage (one man with multiple wives) was common in Machazian society. During the war, polygyny was ‘transnationalised’. Thus they effectively secured themselves against the risks of economic and political insecurity in Mozambique and South Africa.

The wartime devastation and post-conflict political uncertainties in Mozambique reinforced the attractiveness of these strategies after the war. Thus while 89 per cent of the Machazian men interviewed for this study in 1998 planned to return to Mozambique, most also intended to maintain social and economic options in South Africa: 79 per cent planned to keep a house and 72 per cent a business in South Africa after ‘returning’ to Mozambique, while 47 per cent had pension plans in South Africa which they regularly collected in person. After the war, transnational polygyny flourished as 23 per cent reported spouses only in Mozambique, 26 per cent only in South Africa, while 37 per cent had spouses in both countries.

This case demonstrates how transnationality can challenge fundamental premises of the current international refugee regime. Clearly its post-war assumptions which view ‘return’ and ‘non-return’ as mutually exclusive options in the formulation of repatriation policy did not capture the reality that Machazian men themselves reacted to. Low rates of participation in official UNHCR return efforts, a preference for avoiding official scrutiny, and the ‘revolving door syndrome’ (in which many who did return ‘came back’ to South Africa) all showed Machazian men’s resistance to return policies that put at risk new transnational possibilities.

Many of the essential conditions that helped produce transnationality among Machazians are not foreign to other displacement contexts, suggesting that the processes described here may have a broader relevance. These factors include:

  • pre-displacement histories of labour migration associated with gendered divisions of labour
  • robust informal labour markets in peri-urban host settings
  • conditions of pervasive insecurity in both countries of origin and host societies that encourage the development of strategies of risk diversification
  • prolonged armed conflict
  • porous international borders.

Transnationality is arguably one of the most effective of the range of risk-diversification strategies available to displaced populations under these conditions. Ultimately, the terms in which transnationals conceive of and live out their own lives clash with predominant ‘statist’ prescriptions that citizens ‘belong’ to one and only one nation-state, and with repatriation policies that strive to transpose this idea onto the residence, social lives, legal status and economic activity of displaced populations. However, it is also important to note that such novel risk diversification strategies may not work equally well for all segments of society and may even create new forms of vulnerability. In Machaze, some women have benefited from participating in these new household arrangements, yet many others have suffered as a result of the diverting of important resources to their husband’s new families in South Africa. These vulnerabilities have prevented some internally displaced women from returning home and even produced new forms of post-conflict ‘displacement in place’.

There are a number of implications for policy-makers. Firstly, they need to consider carefully what ‘return’ actually means to the displaced. Prolonged displacement in particular is likely to result in new social and economic ties to areas of self-settlement. However, these new ties do not necessarily imply a diminished interest in re-establishing connections to areas of origin. Displaced persons who are survivors of prolonged and chronic conflicts are likely to engage in risk diversification strategies based on ‘translocalist’ strategies – whether across international borders or even internally between urban and rural areas.

Secondly, policy-makers need to investigate and understand the dynamics of transnationality and other translocalist strategies in order to:

  • better interpret the meaning of both cross-border movements and apparent ‘non-return’
  • assess the meaning of demographic distributions used for post-conflict reconstruction planning
  • identify groups that may be rendered more (or less) vulnerable as a result of these strategies.

Stephen C. Lubkemann
Department of Anthropology
George Washington University
2110 G. St.
N.W. Washington DC
20052
USA

T +1 202 994 4191
F +1 202 994 6097

Stephen_Lubkemann@brown.edu or
sl02@gwu.edu

See also
‘The Transformation of Transnationality Among Mozambican Migrants in South Africa’, in Canadian Journal of African Studies, Vol 34 No. 1: 41-63, S. Lubkemann, 2000

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