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Balancing policy and research for better health
Twists in the Mwanza tale
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Double speak on reproductive health
Good for business, good for health?
Coping with malaria in urban India
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New possibilities for TB control?
Uncovering the evidence. What works for safe motherhood?
Sites for Sore Eyes
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December 1999 Insights Issue #32

Back to Insights #32

Twists in the Mwanza tale

Did one HIV research study shift global policy?

A recent study has surveyed and analysed the ways UK-based researchers and policymakers see linkages between research and policy, in relation to a particularly well-known case study arising from 1995 research into HIV prevention in Mwanza, Tanzania. The Mwanza study seems to have had a dramatic impact on policy reformulation in many countries. Did it really exert such leverage? If so, how did it and why? Can existing theoretical models of the research-policy interface account for it?

Participants' interview responses revealed keen awareness of the policy shift and knew that the widely-cited research in question (Grosskurth H. et al, 1995) was perceived as having had a direct impact on policy change. Yet in the main, their answers suggested that research has a cumulative rather than a direct effect on policy.

Gini Chart

The timeline was used as a memory-jogger in interviews to draw out participants' perceptions of shifting policy and the historical context of the Mwanza trials. Key events in the sexual health calendar such as international AIDS conferences were identified (see arrows). The peaks indicate the publication of articles on the Mwanza trials and imply springboards for policy change.

Theoretical models of how research influences policy can be separated into two broad camps. A 'rationalist' view is that new research can directly prompt policy change. The 'political' camp on the other hand assumes that various external factors play a part both in defining the question that a research project tackles and in influencing the impact of the answers on policy. At first glance the Mwanza story seems to fit clearly into a rationalist framework. Publication of its results has been trumpeted as a defining moment in the history of HIV and a justification for much current sexual health programming. But the results of this research combined with the use of a timeline approach and chronological analysis indicate that a policy shift had already started many years before the Mwanza study appeared in print.

Trial results were published in 1995. Yet many events throughout the 1980s and even beforehand were crucial to a 'cumulative and non linear' policy shift according to interviewed respondents. This process was characterised by one participant as 'a sponge soaking up water'. Another commented that 'Mwanza fell into a ready-made bed'. Universally, responses were twofold. Firstly, that conditions prevailing when the results were published strongly favoured policy reformulation. Secondly, that that the need to justify existing policy change and to marshal 'hard data to support an existing contention' predisposed many to back the Mwanza research from the word go.

Particular theoretical models were more apt at particular stages of the policy-making process. Political models that explain the links between research and policy were more useful in describing the initial stages of the Mwanza trial implementation, for example, gaining donor support for the research idea. Later on in the process, rational models were more apt in explaining the direct effect the trials had in convincing those outside an already convinced core group of policy makers of the wisdom of policy change. These 'outsiders' were defined by one participant as 'the social development people and the accountants', the implication being that medical experts were already convinced. Some participants talked about how a medical approach to HIV prevention became a motivating force, whereas others mentioned changing technology as important, as STD treatment became available in primary health care clinics. Policy shift was not a smooth 'domino effect' or a sudden revelation but a gradual stop-go process, with many peaks and troughs, working many variant effects on different institutions and individuals. Almost all interviewees felt Mwanza influenced policy by supplying a push that helped an already rolling stone.

Many respondents highlighted 'fact creation' or use of 'magic bullet' statements as motivating forces for policy shift. Complex epidemiological data were reduced to a single fact as it came to be translated and relayed within different research and practitioner communities. The Mwanza research became widely known for a particular statistical result, a reduction of HIV incidence by 42 percent. This fact was 'worshipped' as an immutable truth that could be applied wholesale to other contexts, no matter how different. This fact's easy 'digestibility' and intuitive appeal was seen as a vital spur to acceptance of the research findings.

Among the main lessons of this review of the impact on policy of the Mwanza case study, are:

  • theoretical frameworks that relate research to its political and historical context, and emerging policy narratives, made more sense in this case than models attributing direct effects of research on policy
  • nevertheless, no single model is sufficient to enscapsulate the range of perceptions and experiences expressed. At different stages certain frameworks make the research-policy interface easier to understand than others

The policy change process was a narrative within a changing context, not a simple cause-and-effect transaction as many of the models and commentators have suggested. There is no guarantee that in a new context research of similar significance would have the same impact on policy.

Mwanza in perspective

Before Mwanza, experts suspected that people with an STD are more likely both to acquire and to transmit the AIDS virus, as demonstrated through small scale clinical research or routine collection of data. Until then, however, no large-scale community evidence existed to prove that treating STDs may also prevent HIV infection. The Mwanza trial demonstrated that it is possible to prevent around 40 percent of new HIV infections this way. The trial was designed to be carried out in the most basic of healthcare facilities using a treatment based on symptoms only, thus bypassing laboratory diagnosis, a method that is often impossible in rural areas.
Researchers were keen to discover why HIV was spreading so much faster in Africa than elsewhere and the high prevalence of STDs seemed to provide an answer. Although the trials took place in a very specific setting in rural Tanzania, the impact of the results was perceived as huge. Few people expressed misgivings about applying the same approach across the board, neither did they wait for more research.
Three years later, a similar trial in Rakai, Uganda, however, showed no impact on HIV infection, a shock to those expecting corroboration of the Mwanza results. However, the two trials cannot be compared like to like: Rakai is not Mwanza. The HIV epidemic was at a different phase in each region with different rates of prevalence (4 percent in Mwanza; 16 percent in Rakai). Moreover each trial threw up different types of STD, each type needing a different kind of treatment - indeed some types in Rakai had no effective, affordable treatment at all.

Contributor(s):
Anne Phillpott
International Family Health
13 Northburgh Street
London EC1V 0JP
UK

Tel: +44 (0)171 336 6677
Fax: +44 (0)171 336 6688
Email: aphilpott@ifh.org.uk

Source(s):

Date: 08 December 1999

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