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Gone with the Flow: Are free capital bonanzas good for development?
Currency crises - the policy fallout
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The truth about Thailand
Korea: understanding the crisis behind the crisis
We can work it out: crisis and the morning after
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Unidentified flying cash: Asia's lessons for Africa
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June 1998 Insights Issue #26

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Currency crises: the policy fallout

What seems most disturbing about the Asian crisis is that it happened to countries that had been so successful for a long period. Successful not just in economic growth but also in terms of rapidly growing exports, low rates of inflation, high rates of savings and relatively equitable distribution of wealth. One key aspect common to the Asian crisis and the Mexican peso crisis is the role played by the frailties of international capital markets as a major cause of currency crises. Highly mobile capital plays positive roles. However, it can have very problematic aspects. Paradoxically, these negative effects can be strongest for economies that either are - or are seen as about to become - highly successful.

A successful economy offers high yields and profits to international investors. If these investors can find ways to enter these economies, or if their entrance is facilitated by capital account liberalisation, they will rush in. This surge of capital inflows will affect key macro-economic variables. Exchange rates tend to become greatly over-valued; the prices of key assets - like shares and land - tend to rise significantly and quickly. As a result there is both an increase in real income (as imported goods become cheaper) and an increase in perceived wealth (as asset prices become at least temporarily higher). Banks tend to increase lending, lifting liquidity constraints. As a result of these factors, individuals consume more, hence private companies increase their investment.

Where the money comes from

The sum of these individual decisions has extensive macroeconomic implications. The current Balance of Payments account deteriorates, often quite rapidly, as both consumption and investment rise. Initially, this is not seen as a problem, as foreign lenders and investors are happy to continue lending, investing, or both, given high profitability combined with the perception of low risk, as they are going into what is broadly seen as a successful economy. Then, something changes. The change could be domestic or international. It could be economic or political. It may be an important change or a relatively small one. The key element is that this change triggers a sharp modification in perceptions, leading to a large fall in confidence in the economy among internationally mobile investors. These could be either foreign investors in the country or nationals able and willing to take their liquid assets out of the country, or both.

The change of perceptions tends to be both large and quick. A country that was perceived as a successful economy or a successful reformer - for which no amount of praise was sufficient - suddenly is seen as fragile, risky and crisis prone. The change of perception tends to be far larger than the magnitude of the underlying change warrants. The frightening aspect is that there is a very strong element of self-fulfilling prophecy in the change of perception. Currency crises happen to a significant extent because lenders and investors fear they can happen.

The fact that they first stop lending and investing and then pull out contributes greatly to making their worst nightmares come true. As a result, there can be much overshooting. Exchange rates can collapse, as can stockmarkets and property prices. Governments or central banks are forced to raise interest rates to defend the currency. As a result, banking systems become far more fragile than they were before, as previous weaknesses are magnified and new faultlines emerge.

Currency crises have punitive development costs. This makes preventing them absolutely essential. A condition for crisis prevention is that countries follow prudent macroeconomic policies. This is a necessary but not sufficient condition, in particular as capital surges distort key macroeconomic variables. It follows that additional measures are needed, nationally and internationally, to discourage excessive surges of potentially reversible capital flows. Recipient countries can tax short-term capital inflows without discouraging long-term flows. Chile's reserve requirements are one example. Even so, national measures may not be enough. Added international measures are required to discourage such surges, using levers like risk weighted cash requirements (see box ).

Spreading the risks

Portfolio flows to emerging markets are currently unregulated. It seems important to fill this gap and introduce some source country regulation that will discourage excessive surges of portfolio flows to emerging markets. A risk-weighted cash requirement could be levied on institutional investors, such as mutual funds. Current regulatory thinking sees risk weighting as the key element in regulation.

Introducing such a requirement for mutual funds (and perhaps other institutional investors) would require that national regulatory authorities provide relevant standards. The views of market and international agencies, such as the IMF would also count. This process would provide guidelines for defining macro-economic risk and for measuring it over time.

Latin American lessons

Faced with a large surge of capital inflows in the early 1990s, the Chilean economic authorities imposed a non-remunerated (bearing no interest) reserve requirement on a whole range of foreign credits.

Currently, the Chilean requirement is set at a level of 30 percent. This sum is kept in the Central Bank for a period of one year, irrespective of the maturity of the loan or bond. The reserve requirement is also applied to time deposits and to secondary purchase of Chilean stocks by foreigners.

The measures are mainly aimed at discouraging short-term inflows; they have only marginal effects on long-term flows. The signs are that these measures have helped Chile avoid currency runs like Mexico or East Asia.


Stephany Griffith-Jones with Stephan Pfaffenzeller
Institute of Development Studies
at the University of Sussex Brighton
BN1 9RE, UK

T: +44 (0)1273 606261
F: +44 (0)1273 621202

Email: StephanyGJ@ids.ac.uk or stephanp@ids .ac.uk

See also "Global capital flows - should they be regulated?" Stephany Griffith-Jones, MacMillan (1998)
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