The research (funded by ESRC) indicates that there are institutional changes which can help to guarantee the representation of women’s interests and their participation in democratic politics and economic reform. They could also ensure the long-term success of democratic consolidation and economic reform. The following are amongst the most important for gender-inclusive consolidation.

First, it is necessary to have institutionalised political systems which are open to women. The Chilean case demonstrates that an institutionalised political system provides more opportunities for women activists to pressurise for institutionalised change than a weak party system once competitive electoral politics has resumed. And while it is clear that under a more arbitrary populist and presidential system, changes can sometimes be achieved, without institutionalisation they can be fragile and may be reversed without heed to rules or procedures.

President Menem appeared to support gender equity when he established the Consejo de la Mujer (Women’s Council) in Argentina but after a dispute over reproductive rights downgraded its size, activities and importance. However the evidence is not unequivocal. A weakly institutionalised party system may provide more space for women’s activism for example through the sorts of cross party deals made by women in the Argentine assembly elected to design the new constitution.

Second, it is important to have women activists and women’s organisations active both inside and outside the state and political parties pressing for institutionalised change during both the transition and subsequent civilian governments. Of the three cases, only during the later negotiated Chilean transition to democracy did women activists attempt to lobby some of the political parties to include a number of items in their electoral programme. Their success resulted in the establishment of SERNAM, the women’s ministry. After the restoration of competitive electoral politics it is unlikely that the Argentine Ley de Cupos (quota law) would have been passed without women organising in its support.

Third, policy makers need to be aware of the differential impact of economic reform on men and women’s productive and reproductive roles. In terms of income generation for example, restructuring has created new ‘women’s jobs’ in all three countries although these have taken different forms. In Chile significant numbers of women are now employed in the non-traditional agricultural export sector. While rarely taking gender into account, social sector adjustment hugely affects women’s reproductive roles, both through short-term targeted poverty alleviation programmes and the longer-term transfer of welfare provision from the state. The stress laid by social investment funds in Chile and Peru on decentralisation and the role of NGOs, relies implicitly on women’s community organising.

Concomitant pressure to become microempresas (small enterprises) has huge implications for women’s organisations such as the Peruvian Comedores Populares (community kitchens). The gendered implications of the longer-term restructuring of welfare, as demonstrated by the role of the Chilean private health organisations and pensions funds in particular needs further investigation.

This research provides new perspectives on gender and economic reform, social sector reform and democratic transitions by extending the existing analysis of women and structuring adjustment and broadening the narrow elite-focused conventional analyses of democratisation.

Georgina Waylen
Department of Politics
University of Sheffield
Elmfield
Northumberland Road
Sheffield S10 2TU
UK

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