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Class struggles
The challenges of achieving schooling for all
The challenges of achieving Education for All (EFA) remain beyond the
grasp of many countries, particularly the poorest. Inequalities continue
to mar access to education. However, progress has been made over the
last decade. In April 2000 the Dakar World Education Forum adopted six
goals aimed at improving and extending EFA (see panel).
UNESCO’s EFA Global Monitoring Report of 2002-03 shows that countries
accounting for about 70% of the world’s population have either
achieved some basic measure of EFA (based on primary net enrolment, levels
of adult literacy and gender parity in primary school gross enrolment)
or have made progress towards the Dakar goals. Significant challenges
remain, however, for the rest of the world’s population, located
primarily in sub-Saharan Africa but also some countries of South Asia.
Getting the formal education system right is a crucial sub-goal of
the Dakar agenda. Giving the goal of education ‘for all’ meaning
and substance remains a challenge, although the scale of the challenge
differs for individual countries. Getting children into school is just
one step in a long process towards ensuring attendance and completion
of a full eight year elementary education cycle. Failures to secure retention
and low levels of achievement in low quality schooling environments continue
to render claims of improved access insufficient as evidence of meaningful
progress in education. As the title of this issue suggests, struggles
to make the classroom a space where social differences and inequalities
at least cease to matter and at best are consciously addressed, now must
move towards the centre stage of the education policy debate.
The focus on access is important in reminding us that for many of the
world’s disadvantaged children, schooling remains physically and
financially out of reach. There is growing evidence, however, that there
is a very high demand for quality education, as parents and children
realise the importance of basic education as a means of functioning and
surviving in a shrinking and globalising world. What are schools and
educational systems doing to respond to this demand? Do discussions around ‘access’ adequately
address the fact that it may be policies and practices within schools
themselves which undermine progress towards EFA?
Several of the articles in this issue provide examples of the ways
in which children get pushed out of schooling. Porteus reports on research
in South Africa, which showed the range of factors that prevent some
children from keeping average pace with basic schooling. These include
an inability to afford the material costs of schooling; vulnerability
to ‘shocks’ such as health crises, violence and death of
family members; impacts of residential instability, particularly in terms
of high residential mobility; learning problems faced by individual children
- either in terms of their interest or their ability; and wider impacts
of social violence within the community and resulting political instability.
Income-based definitions of poverty are insufficient to capture the range
of other disadvantages that compound material inequalities to produce
vicious cycles of ‘marginality’. Issues facing marginalised
learners cut across the family, encompassing the community, wider society
and the policies of the state. Out-of-school and over-age learners also
identified school-based barriers in terms of uniforms and school fee
policies, language policies that only reflect ‘dominant’ cultures
and social groups and the lack of space in schools, amongst others, as
preventing them from progressing.
As social institutions, schools are therefore vulnerable to instability
within the environment in which they function. They also face diverse
student learning needs, abilities and home environments, and internalised
views on the part of teachers, learners and parents, about social inequalities
and differences. Learners also bring social ‘baggage’ with
them into the school. In Jamaica, as Sewell argues, processes of gender
identity that are built into the socialisation process at home and in
wider society, have led to a culture of under-achievement for boys. Girls
are socialised to be more domesticated and docile, while boys are encouraged
to play and have more independence. This ironically has led to a reversal
in relation to performance within the schools. Girls work harder and
perform better, while boys are seen to be ill-disciplined and unmotivated.
These attitudes, which lead to boys and girls being treated differently,
are reproduced, rather than challenged, by teachers in the classroom.
Schools themselves are not immune from these wider social structures
of inequality. They do not operate as neutral actors in an environment
which they can easily change, but reflect the dominant cultures in which
they operate. Soudien writes about the ways in which inequalities of
race and class are reproduced within school management structures in
post-apartheid South Africa, where black parents’ voices often
continue to be drowned out by prevailing hierarchies of authority and
knowledge within the school. These hierarchies of authority are based
on generations of knowledge accumulation being concentrated in the hands
of ethnic and class elites, with the result that newer generations of
school populations are deemed to lack the knowledge to manage educational
processes.
The way in which these hierarchies of knowledge play out within the
school is also captured by Sarangapani’s ethnographic research in a village
school in India, where the teaching process proceeds with the implicit
objective of erasing the knowledge learners bring to the classroom and
imposing the teachers’ ‘authoritative knowledge’ on
the learning process. Sarangapani observes that children’s ‘talk’ in
classrooms is crucial, particularly for rural children and children from
underprivileged backgrounds, as the worlds they inhabit and their realities
are under-represented in official curricula. The teacher therefore plays
an important role in mediating the official world of the textbook and
the ‘real worlds’ of learners.
Moving forward: focusing on ‘inclusive’ schooling
These challenges amid progress indicate that more rather than less
effort is needed. Many initiatives are being undertaken that show that
schools
and educational systems are keen participants in processes of change.
Soudien’s report on the School Governing Bodies in South Africa
demonstrates that in contexts of entrenched inequality, school governance
matters. Viewing schools as part of wider social and political processes
is a first step towards recognising the vital role they can contribute
towards overturning social inequalities. Sewell’s case study
of the ‘Change from Within’ initiative in Jamaica also
demonstrates that school-based solutions built on the active participation
of teachers and learners can be the best way forward to changing dominant
cultures within schools. In this initiative, participating schools
located themselves where the home and the community meet, but also
recognised the importance of focusing on individual needs of learners
within the school.
However, to increase the attention paid to these issues, national and
international policy debates and processes themselves must shift in orientation
to move beyond a preoccupation with access. As Sayed notes, South African
education policy is making the shift towards ‘inclusive education’ as
a way of mainstreaming concerns about injustice and inequality into education
systems. This builds on and expands the achievements of struggles for
disabled peoples’ rights to education. Mainstreaming ‘inclusion’ requires
treating ‘differently-abled’ learners and those with more
challenges to face than others, not as ‘problems’ to be dealt
with in parallel, but as citizens towards whose needs and rights the
education process needs to be oriented. Importantly, ‘inclusive’ education
recognises inequalities of power between different social groups as also
a political problem for which more active policy solutions must be found.
Policy mandates need not only to be expanded but also underpinned by
greater transparency and accountability. As Porteus argues for South
Africa, despite greater debate over policy, actual policy approaches
are much more narrowly conceived in terms of economic efficiency and
cost-cutting, which view learners who perform poorly as ‘inefficient’.
The language of ‘wastage’ to discuss repeaters in practice
continues to place the onus on the learner to overcome deficiencies within
the schooling system. Reversing this tendency to blame the learner, her
home and the wider society in which she lives and moving more constructively
to viewing how schools can lead the way to enable parents, teachers and
learners to work together to overcome education exclusion is necessary.
These are not just ‘micro-level’ issues, but require appropriate
policy language and frameworks to enable a more broad-based approach
to addressing the EFA challenge.
Tomasevski speaks to this broader policy mandate, arguing for a shift
towards ‘rights-based’ education as a way of ensuring that
states do respond to these challenges speedily and effectively. The role
of legislation as underpinning national government commitments to international
law is emphasised as a means of ensuring that different actors meet their
financial commitments to ensuring meaningful ‘education for all’ m
Ramya Subrahmanian
Institute of Development Studies
University of Sussex
Brighton BN1
9RE
UK
T: +44 (0)1273 606261
F: +44 (0)1273 621202
r.subrahmanian@ids.ac.uk
See also:
‘Education inclusion and exclusion: Indian and South African perspectives’,
IDS Bulletin, Vol 34, No.1, January 2003, edited by Ramya Subrahmanian,
Yusuf Sayed, Sarada Balagopalan and Crain Soudien
The Dakar EFA Goals:
- expanding and improving comprehensive early childhood
care
- ensuring that all children, particularly girls, children
in difficult circumstances, and ethnic minorities have access
to and
complete free and compulsory education by 2015
- meeting the learning needs of young people and adults through
life skills and appropriate learning programmes
- achieving a 50% improvement in levels of adult literacy,
especially for women, by 2015
- eliminating gender disparities in primary and secondary
education by 2005 and achieving gender equality in education
by 2015
- improving all aspects of the quality of education, so that
recognised and measurable learning outcomes are achieved by
all, especially in literacy, numeracy and essential life skills.
Adapted from the Dakar Framework for Education adopted by the
participants in the World Education Forum at Dakar, Senegal, 26-28
April 2000
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